Sunday, December 04, 2016

A Disintegrative Winter: The Debt and Anti-Status Quo Super-Cycle Has Turned

With this list of manifestations in hand, we can practically write the headlines for 2017-2025 in advance.
How would you describe the social mood of the nation and world? Would anti-Establishment, anti-status quo, and anti-globalization be a good start? How about choking on fast-rising debt? Would stagnant growth, stagnant wages be a fair description? Or how about rising wealth/income inequality? Wouldn't rising disunity and political polarization be accurate?
These are all characteristics of the long-wave social-economic cycle that is entering the disintegrative (winter) phase. Souring social mood, loss of purchasing power, stagnating wages, rising inequality, devaluing currencies, rising debt, political polarization and elite disunity are all manifestations of this phase.
I have covered the cyclical nature of human social orders many times, most recently in We've Entered an Era of Rising Instability and Uncertainty (July 18, 2016)
Historians David Hackett Fischer (The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History) and Peter Turchin (Ages of Discord) have assembled data and models for these long-term cycles.
Based on the history painstakingly assembled by Fischer and Turchin we can anticipate:
-- Ever higher prices for what I call the FEW Essentials: food, energy and water.
-- Ever larger government deficits which end in bankruptcy/repudiation of debts/new issue of currency.
-- Rising property/violent crime and illegitimacy.
-- Rising interest rates (until very recently this was considered "impossible").
-- Rising income inequality in favor of capital over labor.
-- Continued debasement of the currency.
-- Rising volatility of prices.
-- Rising political unrest and turmoil (see "Revolution").
With this list of manifestations in hand, we can practically write the headlines for 2017-2025 in advance.
Gordon Long and discuss these overlapping/ reinforcing social, political and economic cycles in a new video Cycles: Anti-Globalization and the Debt Super-Cycle. Here is a chart from the program that displays the rise of political polarization:
As for rising wealth/income inequality, the apex controls the money and thus the power:
Gordon and I also discuss the many different cyclical analyses that are now overlapping. Cyclical analyses based on demographics, socionomics, debt, wages and prices are all issuing the same conclusion: we're in the Disintegrative Winter phase of a multi-decade socio-economic cycle.
Here's our discussion of Cycles: Anti-Globalization and the Debt Super Cycle (30 minutes):
Gordon's abstract of the program: Cycles and the End of the Debt Super-Cycle

For what it's worth, my copy editor reckons Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege($3.95 Kindle ebook, $8.95 print edition) is my best book. It is, if nothing else, highly relevant to today's economic/social schisms.


Join me in seeking solutions by becoming a $1/month patron of my work via patreon.com.
Check out both of my new books, Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print) and Why Our Status Quo Failed and Is Beyond Reform ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print). For more, please visit the OTM essentials website.

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Saturday, December 03, 2016

A Moment of Gratitude for My Readers and Supporters

Ultimately, this site is about solutions.
I want to take a moment to thank every reader who took the time to email me after spotting oftwominds.com on the Washington Post's absurd "list of Russian propaganda sites." You all got the joke, so to speak, and so we enjoyed the laughably bogus list together.
I also want to thank everyone who chose this moment to become a patron of my work via patreon.com or PayPal. Dozens of you backed up your support with cash--moving your commitment to independent journalism up a very big notch.
Every $1/month pledge means a lot to me. Money is tight for most people nowadays, and $1 or $5 per month means there is a bit less disposable cash at month's end. I am acutely aware that your commitment is not cost-free.
While I understand the necessity and appeal of year-end fundraising by many of my fellow bloggers, I don't have any formal fundraising effort or drive. The site is free, and patrons/ contributors of $5/month or more receive a weekly Musings Report filled with goodies reserved for the Inner Circle of oftwominds supporters.
This is my way of thanking the financial supporters who keep the site going.
I also appreciate everyone who takes a moment to place their amazon.com order through this site. The modest commission paid to this site doesn't add a penny to your cost. To place your order to the benefit of oftwominds.com, just use the amazon.com search box in the right sidebar.
Max Keiser and Stacy Herbert asked for my reaction to being on the WaPo propaganda list; here is my commentary (also included in Max and Stacy's 1000th episode Keiser Report #1000: The Memewar Has Started.)
Ultimately, this site is about solutions. I have written numerous books outlining solutions for the individual/household and for the society/economy as a whole. Please take a quick glance at my eleven books on our systemic problems and the many potential solutions.
If you are unfamiliar with my work here on oftwominds.com, I suggest reviewing my voluminous archives on the shrinking middle class. Here is a small selection of recent essays on the structural/ systemic decline of the middle class.
Neofeudalism 101: Strip-Mining the Upper Middle Class (April 8, 2015)

For what it's worth, my copy editor reckons Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege($3.95 Kindle ebook, $8.95 print edition) is my best book. It is, if nothing else, highly relevant to today's economic/social schisms.


Join me in seeking solutions by becoming a $1/month patron of my work via patreon.com.
Check out both of my new books, Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print) and Why Our Status Quo Failed and Is Beyond Reform ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print). For more, please visit the OTM essentials website.

NOTE: Contributions/subscriptions are acknowledged in the order received. Your name and email remain confidential and will not be given to any other individual, company or agency.
Thank you, Chris T. ($10/month), for your outrageously generous pledge to this site -- I am greatly honored by your steadfast
Thank you, Mary T. ($50), for your wondrously generous pledge to this site -- I am greatly honored by your support and readership.

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Friday, December 02, 2016

Beyond Income Inequality

Can the current iteration of global capitalism be reformed, or is it poised to be replaced by some other mode of production?
Judging by the mainstream media, the most pressing problems facing capitalism are 1) income inequality, the basis of Thomas Piketty’s bestseller Capital in the Twenty First Century, and 2) the failure of laissez-faire markets to regulate their excesses, a common critique encapsulated by Paul Craig Roberts’ recent book and 2) the failure of laissez-faire markets to regulate their excesses, a common critique encapsulated by Paul Craig Roberts’ recent book The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism.
These critiques (and many similar diagnoses) reach a widely shared conclusion: capitalism must be reformed to save it from itself.
The proposed reforms align with each analyst’s basic ideological bent. Piketty’s solution to rising wealth inequality is the ultimate in statist centralization: a global wealth tax. Roberts and others recommend reforming capitalism to embody social purpose and recognize environmental limits. Exactly how this economic reformation should be implemented is a question that sparks debates across the ideological spectrum, but the idea that capitalism can be reformed is generally accepted by left, right and libertarian alike.
Socio-economist Immanuel Wallerstein asks a larger question: can the current iteration of global capitalism be reformed, or is it poised to be replaced by some other mode of production? Wallerstein and four colleagues explored this question in Does Capitalism Have a Future? Wallerstein is known as a proponent of world systems, the notion that each dominant economic-political arrangement eventually reaches its limits and is replaced by a new globally hegemonic system. Wallerstein draws his basic definition of the current dominant system—let’s call it Global Capitalism 1.0—from his mentor, historian Fernand Braudel, who meticulously traced modern capitalism back to its developmental roots in the 15th century in an influential three-volume history, Civilization & Capitalism, 15th to 18th Centuries.
From this perspective, there is a teleological path to global capitalism’s expansion beneath the market’s ceaseless cycle of boom-and-bust. This model of ever-larger systems of global dominance has been further developed by Braudel disciples such as Giovanni Arrighi ( The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power and the Origins of Our Times).
It is this latest and most expansive iteration of capitalism--one dominated by the mobility of global capital, state enforcement of privately owned rentier/cartel arrangements and the primacy of financial capital over industrial capital--that Wallerstein and his collaborators view as endangered.
Amidst the conventional chatter of social spending countering markets gone wild--as if the only thing restraining rampant capitalism is the state--Wallerstein clearly identifies the state's role as enforcer of private cartels. There is not just a function of regulatory capture by monied elites: if the state fails to maintain monopolistic cartels, profit margins plummet and capital is unable to maintain its spending on investment and labor. Simply put, the economy tanks as profits, investment and growth all stagnate.
This is why Wallerstein characterizes this iteration of capitalism as "a particular historical configuration of markets and state structures where private economic gain by almost any means is the paramount goal and measure of success."
Even those who reject this left-leaning description of free markets and the self-interested pursuit of profit can agree that the prime directive of capitalism is the accumulation of capital: enterprises that fail to accumulate capital lose capital and eventually go bust. As economist Joseph Schumpeter recognized, capitalism is not a steady-state system but one constantly reworked by “creative destruction,” the process of the less efficient being replaced by the more efficient.
If capital can no longer accumulate capital, this iteration of capitalism runs out of oxygen and creative destruction will usher in a new arrangement. (Wallerstein’s chapter in the book is titled why capitalists may no longer find capitalism rewarding.)
Though the status quo believes that amending the political-financial rules is all that’s needed to maintain the current centralized arrangement, Wallerstein believes that following the old rules will actually intensify the coming structural crisis. Piketty’s analysis offers a ripe example of the belief that the old rules are sufficient. To Piketty, capital’s ability to expand at faster rates than the underlying economy (as measured by GDP) has lashed the tiller on a course to rising inequality, and the only way to ameliorate the resulting social instability is to redistribute the wealth via state-mandated taxes.
Wallerstein and his collaborators see capitalism’s ability to accumulate capital as anything but fixed; in their view, capitalism is threatened by profound changes in wages and labor and the global environment. Economist Randall Collins fingers the displacement of human labor by information technology as the trigger for capitalism’s terminal crisis. Collins sees this inevitable trend as independent of economic and political theory and boom-bust cycles: “The structural crisis of technological displacement transcends cycles and financial bubbles.”
Collins acknowledges that the processes of financialization--roughly speaking, the commodification of all assets into tradable securities that are pyramided via leverage and exotic derivatives—has helped hollow out the middle class, but technology’s displacement of labor is the coup de grace that could eliminate two-thirds of the educated middle class. (His back-of-the-envelope calculation is based on the dominance of the service sector in developed economies.)
Collins rejects the commonly held optimism that new technologies always create more jobs than they destroy: “There is no intrinsic end to this process of replacing human labor with computers and other machines.”
Historical sociologist Michael Mann sees ecological crisis as the over-riding threat to global capitalism. This entirely predictable crisis has an unpredictable resolution because it derives from our era’s dominant institutions of capital, the sovereign state and consumerism all having “gone global.”
The other systemic threat is what Mann characterizes as “the treadmill of the nation-state’s obsession with growth.” The environmental degradation resulting from increasing consumption is jeopardizing the global system’s ability to stay on this GDP-focused treadmill. One need only glance at photos of choking smog in Beijing and New Delhi to grasp Mann’s point.
If the arrangement between these institutions changes radically enough, Mann envisions the possibility that the structural crisis “will stabilize into an enduringly low-growth capitalism,” a possibility with historical precedents such as 18th century Britain.
But this rosy outcome ignores the book’s key thesis that the foundations of the current system have no future because they’ve reached intrinsic limits: the returns on following the old rules are increasingly marginal. Financialization has run of out of assets to leverage into financial bubbles (what’s left to leverage--bat guano?), the middle class that has paid for its ever-expanding consumption with rising wages is in structural decline due to the displacement of human labor by software, and the state’s ability to manage structural crises while protecting global cartel profits is being undermined (in Wallerstein’s analysis) by the ever-rising costs of providing healthcare and income security and paying the external costs of environmental damage.
The old rules--inflating another credit bubble to bail out an insolvent financial sector, increasing taxes on the remaining employed, further centralizing authority and control--are no longer working; as Wallerstein observed, these are actively intensifying the structural crisis.
Wallerstein and his colleagues did not address another possible future, one that does more with less, an economic philosophy that rejects GDP as the arbiter of nation-state success and embraces the principles of the Degrowth movement (décroissance in French) that is gaining adherents in the developed world. In Japan, proponents speak of the de-Generation that is pursing Degrowth, de-materialism and de-ownership: advancement and success arise not from consuming more resources and capital, but by using fewer resources and less capital in pursuit of a more fulfilling, lower-impact lifestyle.
Piketty and Wallerstein alike overlook Nassim Taleb’s diagnosis of what’s wrong with the current state-capitalism. In Taleb’s view, wealth inequality arises not from capital’s expansion but from the state’s transfer of risk from private speculation to the public sector. As the financial crisis of 2008 illustrated, the state protects financial capital from losses and inflates asset bubbles that provide outsized returns for those with access to cheap central-bank credit.
Wealth inequality is generated not by intrinsic features of capitalism--the most important of which, in Taleb’s view, is that every participant has skin in the game, i.e. is exposed to the losses that go hand in hand with risk—but from specific state/central bank policies that reward leveraged speculation and enable financiers to play with no skin in the game.
(In Taleb’s trenchant phrase, financial inequalities are “one crash away from reallocation.”)
This suggests that one way to address both wealth inequality and speculative excesses is to rewrite the rules so that participants must have skin in the game. (Whether this is possible in an era of regulatory capture by the very financiers the rules aim to corral is an open question.)
Wallerstein and Piketty also overlook the transformative power of the factors Arrighi identifies as the key drivers of capital accumulation: attracting entrepreneurs and mobile capital.
What could replace the current iteration of global state-capitalism? If we assemble these three potentially transformative dynamics--Degrowth, the recoupling of risk and loss and entrepreneurial mobile capital--we discern a new and potentially productive teleological arc to global capitalism, one that moves from a capitalism based on hyper-centralization and obsession with rising consumption to a new capitalism focused on more efficient use of resources and capital via decentralization and localized innovation.
Rather than ask if such a “think globally, profit locally” alternative is possible, we might ponder the sobering conclusion that that current system of Global Capitalism 1.0 will be replaced with some new arrangement one way or another, and we might as well choose the more efficient, adaptive and sustainable decentralized model rather than go down with the statist-steered "the only solution is increased centralization" ship.
This essay was first published in The American Conservative magazine.

For what it's worth, my copy editor reckons Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege($3.95 Kindle ebook, $8.95 print edition) is my best book. It is, if nothing else, highly relevant to today's economic/social schisms.


Join me in seeking solutions by becoming a $1/month patron of my work via patreon.com.
Check out both of my new books, Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print) and Why Our Status Quo Failed and Is Beyond Reform ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print). For more, please visit the OTM essentials website.

NOTE: Contributions/subscriptions are acknowledged in the order received. Your name and email remain confidential and will not be given to any other individual, company or agency.
 
Thank you, Daniel E. ($5), for another splendidly generous contribution to this site-- I am greatly honored by your steadfast support and readership.

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Thursday, December 01, 2016

The Role of Technology in Limiting Privilege and Bias

Technology cannot eliminate human bias or poor decisions, but it has the potential to eliminate systemic bias and privilege.
Technological skills are often viewed as the dividing line between globalization's "winners" and "Losers." Those with high technology skills tend to be paid considerably more than those with lower skills, and have more opportunities to advance.
In this view, technology is the purview of the highly skilled, highly paid "winners" of the 4th Industrial Revolution, and "the rest of us" are merely consumers of technology.
I think this overlooks the great potential of technology to flatten privilege and reduce institutional bias. I discuss this in my new book Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege. Here is an excerpt from the book:
What kind of system eliminates social privilege and opens equal opportunities to all?
The answer I describe in my book A Radically Beneficial World: Automation, Technology & Creating Jobs for All is technology-based: each member of every Community Labor Integrated Money Economy (CLIME) group is paid the same for every hour of work as every other member in the region. Every member and group has the same opportunity to buy and sell goods and services on their own in the CLIME marketplace. Different groups will earn different outcomes, but the opportunities for advancement will be equal for all participants, as individuals can switch groups, join multiple groups or start their own group.
Software, if properly programmed, is blind to human bias. A software-based system can eliminate bias and privilege by treating every member and organization equally.
Imagine a city in the near future that only allows self-driving rental cars on its streets: human-driven privately owned vehicles are banned as hazards. Every rented vehicle obeys all traffic rules, and accidents are rare. (Recall that vehicle speeds are low in congested cities.)
Why would the city waste valuable police time cruising streets filled with vehicles that cannot deviate from traffic rules? The only time it would make sense to send a traffic officer out is to file a report on the rare accident.
If an officer did pull a car over for a defective tail light, the driver would be blameless, as the responsibility for repairing the tail light would fall to the rental car agency, not the driver. Since the vehicles would record all activity, there would be readily available evidence if police officers pulled over vehicles with no ticketable defects because the driver happened to be African-American.
Not only would it make no sense financially for the city to pay police officers to monitor self-driving rental cars, any city government that persisted in driving while black bias would open itself to punishing civil lawsuits. The data collected by the rental car fleet would be undeniable in court.
Technology cannot eliminate human bias or poor decisions, but it has the potential to eliminate systemic bias and privilege, and collect data that makes any remaining bias transparent to all—not just to the unprivileged who experience the bias first-hand.
Technology has the potential to offer everyone the same opportunities for individually tailored advancement. While software cannot eliminate differences in wealth-based opportunities—for example, the children of wealthy families get private lessons, while the children of disadvantaged families do not—technology has the potential to level the playing field (for example, by enabling nearly free lessons tailored to each student), and provide transparency at levels that are unreachable in systems riddled with human bias.
While there is no substitute for caring, encouraging parents and mentors, technology can open the path to the advantaged class that is currently a thicket of obstacles for the disadvantaged.

For what it's worth, my copy editor reckons Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege($3.95 Kindle ebook, $8.95 print edition) is my best book. It is, if nothing else, highly relevant to today's economic/social schisms.


Join me in seeking solutions by becoming a $1/month patron of my work via patreon.com.
Check out both of my new books, Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print) and Why Our Status Quo Failed and Is Beyond Reform ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print). For more, please visit the OTM essentials website.

NOTE: Contributions/subscriptions are acknowledged in the order received. Your name and email remain confidential and will not be given to any other individual, company or agency.
Thank you, Michael J. T. ($50), for your splendidly generous contribution to this site-- I am greatly honored by your support and readership.

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Wednesday, November 30, 2016

Six Narratives on the Ascendancy of Trump

Perhaps the masses have (finally!) reached the point where the pain of maintaining the status quo now exceeds that of breaking it.
A remarkably diverse array of "explanations" of Donald Trump's presidential election victory have been aired, representing both the conventional political spectrum and well beyond.
Let’s start with the conventional mainstream media “explanations”:
#1: Trump was elected by intolerant Americans, i.e. “deplorables” who are intolerant of immigrants, Muslims, women’s rights, gays, etc. while being overly attached to firearms and the Christian religion.
This sort of broad-brush slander is emotionally appealing to those who lost the election, as it enables the losing party to claim the high moral ground. (It’s also classic propaganda, a topic Chris addressed in a recent series.) But it overlooks the many Progressives who voted for Trump but did not dare announce their choice to their hysterically intolerant Democratic loyalist friends. For example, consider this female voter’s account: Liberals Should Stop Ranting And Seek Out Silent Trump Voters Like Me.
This "explanation", though satisfying in terms of self-righteousness, has no credible explanatory value.
#2: Trump didn’t win the election, Hillary Clinton lost it.
This “explanation” constructs a narrative from polling data: African-American voters did not turn out for Hillary in the same high percentages as they did for President Obama, a surprising number of higher income households voted for Trump, etc.  If Hillary had drawn the expected percentages of voters, she would have won.
This “explanation” explains nothing, as it ignores the larger issues that drove voters to vote or not vote.
#3: The unprotected Americans (to use Peggy Noonan’s term) who have seen their incomes and security decline in the age of neoliberal globalization voted for Trump to reject globalism, unfettered immigration and free trade.
This narrative is ably dissected in this 5-part series from Spiegel.de: Inequality, Market Chaos and Angry Voters: A Turning Point for Globalization
In the U.S. media, this narrative is typically characterized as a sports event: the “losers” of neoliberal globalization struck back at the “winners.”
This explanation draws upon well-established economic trends: sharply rising inequality, the hollowing out of the Rust Belt and rural economies in “flyover” America, etc.
#4: Trump’s victory is another manifestation of the global revolt against elites.  
Defenders of the status quo—broadly speaking, neoliberalism’s financial “winners” and the ruling elites—are quick to equate outbreaks of populism with the dreaded scourge of fascism. In the defenders’ accounts, the rightist, nationalistic populism of the 1930s led directly to fascism.
The article titles in the December 2016 issue of Foreign Affairs summarize the conventional characterization of populism as reactionary and dangerous--never mind that populism can also be leftist (look at the anti-globalist movement) or largely apolitical:
-- Populism on the March: Why the West Is In Trouble
-- Trump and American Populism: Old Whine, New Bottles
-- Populism Is Not Fascism, But It Could Be a Harbinger
There are few if any positive words for populist movements in these essays, and precious little recognition of populism’s potential to upend a grossly corrupt, inefficient and self-serving global elite—an elite that richly deserves to be cashiered.
While the mainstream media grudgingly admits that the ruling elites paid little attention to soaring income and wealth inequality, or to globalism’s “losers,” the answer to defenders of the status quo is the usual grab-bag of policy tweaks that leave the ruling elites and their media apologists firmly in charge.
#5: Trump has been set up as the fall-guy for an economy that is teetering on the edge of recession or even depression. The coming recession/depression will discredit Trump and the populist/nationalist movement, setting the stage for the neoliberal globalists to return triumphantly to power in four years.
While many of us wouldn’t put such nefarious scheming past the globalist elites, this doesn’t quite align with the reality that virtually everyone, mainstream or alternative, left or right, dismissed Trump’s presidential campaign as a media-circus sideshow staged by a narcissist.
Since virtually no one expected him to win when he entered the race, why would globalists support him when their candidate, Hillary Clinton, was a shoo-in? Rather than pick him as a fall-guy for an economic depression, the claim that he was picked by globalists as an easy target for defeat (another alternative media narrative) makes more sense.
But the reality is nobody could predict Trump’s victory, and theories based on the idea that he was set up as a fall-guy presume the globalists rigged the election for their candidate (Hillary) to lose.  Why install a “dangerous” populist when you could install your candidate?
#6: The Clinton campaign was a “quiet coup” of corrupt elites intent on solidifying the merger of private-sector/philanthro-capitalist pay-for-play and government functions.  A “counter-coup” staged by elements of the Deep State (i.e. the unelected permanent government that remains in power regardless of which party is in office) foiled Clinton’s quiet coup.
As farfetched as this might sound, Clinton insider Sidney Blumenthal accused the FBI of staging a “coup” by reopening the investigation into Clinton’s emails.
While I didn’t use the inflammatory word “coup,” I have outlined the possibility that more forward-looking elements of the Deep State concluded neoliberalism, neoconservative intervention (i.e. endless wars of choice) and institutionalized pay-to-play corruption threatened the security of the nation and had to be thwarted at the ballot box: Why the Deep State Is Dumping Hillary.
While there is little public evidence of this power struggle—the Deep State doesn’t operate in the public gaze—there are plenty of circumstantial clues that the Deep State is not a monolith of neocon neoliberalism.
Conclusion (to Part 1)
Can we summarize these narratives (some competing, some overlapping) in any instructive fashion? I think we can roughly divide them into three categories:
1. Moral claims: the neoliberal “progressives” are morally superior to the “deplorables” and so the neoliberals (the remarkably intolerant “tolerants”) deserved to win on moral grounds; alternatively, the pay-to-play Clinton camp is ethically bankrupt and its claims to the moral high ground are hypocritical.
2. Elite machinations: insiders either set up Trump as the easy-to-beat opponent or as the fall-guy for the coming depression; alternatively, the Deep State was split into two camps, the neocons who backed Hillary and the insurgents who saw Hillary as a threat to national security.
3. Structural economic/social issues: rising wealth/income inequality and the decline of the bottom 95% finally had political consequences.
In Part 2: Why The Ruling Elite Are Becoming Frightened, we examine a hybrid argument that synthesizes these categories into a single narrative that explains what is likely truly going on: The masses have (finally!) reached the point where the pain of maintaining the status quo now exceeds that of breaking it. A People's Coup has been set in motion, of which the election of Trump is just an early example of the unexpected and jarring surprises that lie ahead.
What will this coup look like? Will it succeed?
Click here to read Part 2 of this report (free executive summary, enrollment required for full access)
This essay was first published on peakprosperity.com, where I am a contributing writer.


For what it's worth, my copy editor reckons Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege($3.95 Kindle ebook, $8.95 print edition) is my best book. It is, if nothing else, highly relevant to today's economic/social schisms.


Join me in seeking solutions by becoming a $1/month patron of my work via patreon.com.
Check out both of my new books, Inequality and the Collapse of Privilege ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print) and Why Our Status Quo Failed and Is Beyond Reform ($3.95 Kindle, $8.95 print). For more, please visit the OTM essentials website.

NOTE: Contributions/subscriptions are acknowledged in the order received. Your name and email remain confidential and will not be given to any other individual, company or agency.

Thank you, William K. ($5/mo), for your outrageously generous re-subscription to this site-- I am greatly honored by your steadfast support and readership.

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